Fortunately, Ohio Governor Mike DeWine recognizes injustice at least in instances when it results from political fights among those who can manipulate power and money on a grand scale. We can be thankful that he vetoed one amendment slipped into the state budget right at the last minute without any debate.
The amendment was added by Ohio Senator Matt Dolan, a Republican whose family owns the Cleveland Indians, and who represents some of the wealthiest communities in the state of Ohio. Dolan chairs the Ohio Senate Finance Committee, and he was an influential member of the House-Senate conference committee which finalized the new budget.
The amendment involved local property tax assessments in the Orange City School District, which includes several of Ohio’s most affluent communities: Pepper Pike, Orange, Moreland Hills, and Hunting Valley. Hunting Valley has been lobbying for a change in its school funding. Its residents say they shouldn’t have to pay so much property tax to the Orange City Schools—the school district in which Hunting Valley is situated. They point out that a lot of older residents in Hunting Valley do not have children in school, and many families with young children use exclusive private schools. Hunting Valley had sought the state budget amendment to stipulate that Hunting Valley’s residents would pay their school property taxes as a sort of per-pupil tuition in instances when a Hunting Valley student enrolls in the Orange Schools. Sen. Matt Dolan’s district includes Hunting Valley.
The Plain Dealer‘s Andrew Tobias summarizes the provision that Governor DeWine ultimately vetoed: “The measure, backed by Senate leadership including Chagrin Falls Republican Sen. Matt Dolan, a key figure in budget negotiations on tax issues, would have capped the amount of property taxes Hunting Valley property owners would pay to Orange City Schools on a per-pupil basis. In other words, the cap would be based on the number of children village residents send to Orange schools, which encompasses Hunting Valley and several other suburbs… The amendment… was a result of advocacy by the affluent village, which hired a prominent Columbus lobbying firm to seek the law change.”
Tobias exposes exactly how power and money operate in Ohio politics: “Hunting Valley is influential in another way—it’s home to some of Ohio’s top political donors, one of whom hosted President Donald Trump for a fundraiser on July 12, a few days before Dolan introduced the amendment… Among the Hunting Valley’s residents are a who’s-who of Ohio political donors. Even though the village has just 700 people, it’s donated at least $1.4 million to state and federal candidates, committees and political parties—largely Republican—since 2016, according to campaign finance records.”
Tobias continues: “Dolan said the village—which has about 700 people with a median Cuyahoga County home value of $1.3 million—pays a disproportionately large share of taxes to the school district.” The lobbyist hired by Hunting Valley is an extremely powerful state Republican. Bill Batchelder was the former speaker of the Ohio House of Representatives and also more recently a lobbyist for Bill Lager, the founder of Ohio’s notorious Electronic Classroom of Tomorrow (ECOT), which was shut down after 17 years of ripping off more than $1 billion in Ohio tax dollars.
Tobias reports that, according to the treasurer of the Orange School District, the amendment Dolan surreptitiously sneaked into the budget, “would have cost the Orange schools $5.8 million, or a 12% funding reduction about a month before school started.”
Once officials in the Orange Schools and the municipal officials in the other communities encompassed by the Orange School District became aware of the secret negotiations, they were able to clarify the issues for the Governor, who eventually vetoed the plan as inequitable. Tobias adds: “DeWine’s veto followed intense pushback from local elected officials and community members, who called and wrote letters to the governor’s office. State. Rep. Juanita Brent, a Cleveland Democrat who represents parts of the school district, voted against the budget bill, citing the amendment as the reason in a floor speech while the bill was being debated.”
The lesson here is about whose voices can be heard in Ohio and who can be believed and trusted.
As he signed the budget bill, Governor Mike DeWine urged lawmakers to move quickly to address another issue. In the budget, Ohio lawmakers chose not to address the state’s proposed takeover of its lowest scoring school districts. Instead the Legislature settled on a one-year moratorium on state takeovers and chose not to deal with the current and very controversial state takeovers of the public school districts in Youngstown, Lorain, and East Cleveland. Ohio Statehouse News’ Jason Aubry quotes DeWine: “I understand the moratorium and that’s fine but we have not solved this problem… I think the solutions are on the table… I don’t think we need to think a whole lot more about it other than figuring out exactly what this legislature is willing to do.”
Do DeWine’s statements as he signed the state budget reflect his support for the appalling proposal introduced into the Senate’s budget but left out of final bill to await stand alone legislation? The Senate Education Committee had inserted into the Senate’s budget a cumbersome and extremely patronizing plan featuring a new state School Transformation Board, private takeover consultants approved by the state to conduct “root-cause” analyses, state-approved school district “improvement director” czars, and if insufficient improvement does not follow, the old top-down state takeovers. It is a very good thing that the conference committee left the Senate’s plan out of the budget.
As he vetoed the Hunting Valley amendment, DeWine listened to the wealthy residents of the privileged Orange School District community. Will he listen to significant input from the residents of the 13 communities now in state takeover or threatened with seizure by the state? Like the three districts currently in state takeover—Youngstown, Lorain and East Cleveland, the ten districts which face state takeover within two years—Columbus, Dayton, Toledo, Canton, Ashtabula, Lima, Mansfield, Painesville, Euclid, and North College Hill—are all poor. They are big cities with concentrated family poverty and racial segregation, towns where manufacturing has collapsed, and inner-ring suburbs. Their educators and citizens lack the power of the residents in the communities served by the Orange Schools.
It is not surprising that students in the Orange School District, residing in Ohio’s most exclusive pocket of public school privilege, are posting high test scores on their standardized tests. Nor, according to Daniel Koretz, the Harvard University expert on high-stakes standardized testing, should we be surprised that Ohio’s very poorest school districts are posting lower scores. Koretz would not advocate punishing schools and educators in the communities where concentrations of poverty would predict lower scores. In his groundbreaking book, The Testing Charade: Pretending to Make Schools Better, Koretz warns that test scores correlate highly with the average income of families and communities:
“One aspect of the great inequity of the American educational system is that disadvantaged kids tend to be clustered in the same schools. The causes are complex, but the result is simple: some schools have far lower average scores…. Therefore, if one requires that all students must hit the proficient target by a certain date, these low-scoring schools will face far more demanding targets for gains than other schools do. This was not an accidental byproduct of the notion that ‘all children can learn to a high level.’ It was a deliberate and prominent part of many of the test-based accountability reforms…. Unfortunately… it seems that no one asked for evidence that these ambitious targets for gains were realistic. The specific targets were often an automatic consequence of where the Proficient standard was placed and the length of time schools were given to bring all students to that standard, which are both arbitrary.” (The Testing Charade, pp. 129-130)
I wonder why Ohio lawmakers are not listening as carefully to educators in Youngstown, Lorain and East Cleveland and the ten school districts soon facing state takeover as the Governor did last week to school district officials in the wealthy Orange City Schools.
In Ghosts in the Schoolyard, her very profound book about Chicago and Rahm Emanuel’s 2013 closure of schools across the Bronzeville community on Chicago’s South Side, Eve Ewing, a University of Chicago sociologist, urges policy makers to consider the voices of citizens in the very communities which have been devastated by generations of racial and economic segregation and underfunding: “These questions… are worth asking when considering virtually any educational policy decision: What is the history that has brought us to this moment? How can we learn more about that history from those who have lived it? What does this institution represent for the community closest to it? Who gets to make the decisions here, and how do power, race, and identity inform the answer to that question?” (Ghosts in the Schoolyard, p. 159)